August 26, 2002
In the wake of Hong Kong's return to China, British columnist Michael Backman lamented in his book, 'Asian Eclipse: Exposing the Dark Side of Business in Asia,' that 'Hong Kong's position is not unlike that of the proverbial boiling frog. Drop it into hot water and it will jump out. Drop it into cold water, slowly heating it, and it will stay there.' The analogy is apt to many people concerned about Hong Kong's future, such as John Tkacik, a research fellow at the Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C. In a June 28 article on this page, 'One Country Two Systems' Isn't Working,' he observed that although many of the most pessimistic predictions about Hong Kong's future have yet to come true, 'there are worrying signs of trouble ahead.'
Beijing would never be so stupid as to openly throw Hong Kong into hot water, because the whole world would cry foul. Instead, Hong Kong has largely been left to its own devices when it comes to its day-to-day operations as a premier business hub. But the heat is always on, and the dial of the Beijing heater keeps inching up, slowly and cautiously.
It is a heater that has a unique design, since names rather than temperatures are etched on it. The first notch was Martin Lee and the other pro-democracy activists who had been staunch backers of the political reforms initiated by Chris Patten, Hong Kong's last British governor. Because of their sympathy with the victims of the June 4 Tiananmen massacre and efforts to continue the democratization process in Hong Kong, they came under fierce attack from Beijing and many, including Mr. Lee, have been denied entry into the mainland.
Next, the charismatic Anson Chan, formerly the number two in the Hong Kong government, and often known as 'Hong Kong's conscience' because of her willingness to speak out in defense of the territory's autonomy, was last year forced to retire early under pressure from Beijing. Her departure signified the fading away of those who had ruled Hong Kong when it was a British colony, taking with them the sense of accountability the government used to have for its people. As was observed in a June 28 editorial on this page, 'Hong Kong's Ineffectual Government,' the pro-Beijing elite -- led by Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa -- who replaced them 'has been overly eager to show fealty to Beijing, and so has tried to anticipate its wishes instead of acting in Hong Kong's best interests.'
In these circumstances, it was no surprise when Harry Wu, the long-time human-rights warrior, became the next name on the dial. Mr. Wu was refused entry into Hong Kong in April and then denied a visa for a visit in June.
Now, the dial has yet another new name, in the form of Falun Gong, another thorn in the side of the Chinese leadership. In a move typical of a communist regime, Beijing banned Falun Gong, once a fast-growing spiritual movement in China, in July 1999 when President Jiang Zemin and a few senior leaders felt the challenge from the movement's popularity. Most democratic countries condemned the persecution that followed. But Hong Kong found itself torn between whether to go along with its masters in Beijing at the expense of the much-hyped 'one country, two systems' formula, or to offend Mr. Jiang by following other democracies in supporting the human rights of Falun Gong followers.
Until recently, Hong Kong has largely stood its ground, allowing the Falun Gong to continue to operate in the territory without interference, although foreign followers who tried to join them were often turned back at the airport. However things took a turn for the worse when four Falun Gong practitioners from Switzerland somehow managed to slip past Hong Kong immigration authorities earlier this year and joined a sit-in protest outside Beijing's Liaison Office. Together with 12 Hong Kong Falun Fong followers, they were arrested by local police and prosecuted by Hong Kong's Department of Justice on charges of obstruction.
Their trial attracted relatively little attention among Hong Kongers, many of who have been lulled into sleep by the heat like the proverbial frog. But it was followed with much more interest in Taiwan and the West, where Falun Gong is seen as a litmus test for the survival of Hong Kong's autonomy under one country, two systems. Mr. Tung's earlier remarks, when he last year called Falun Gong an [Jiang's slanderous word deleted], were eerily reminiscent of Beijing's stance on the issue. His government has also begun preparing a new law against treason, secession, sedition and subversion, along the lines set in the Beijing-promulgated Basic Law, Hong Kong's constitution, which many fear will curtail the activities of Falun Gong and democracy activists. Under such circumstances, few were surprised when a Hong Kong court found all 16 Falun Gong practitioners guilty on Aug. 15.
The trial of the Falun Gong members has put Hong Kong on trial. What is at stake is not so much about Falun Gong per se as about Hong Kong's own identity; and the verdict was as much one on Hong Kong's future as it was on these 16 practitioners. Although the fines imposed were minimal, amounting to only a few hundred Hong Kong dollars each -- and mysteriously paid by an unknown donor, so preventing the 16 going to jail for refusing to pay them -- lasting damage has been done to Hong Kong's reputation.
The verdict that convicted the Falun Gong members is a reminder that life is becoming ever hotter for Hong Kong's once lovely frog -- the symbol for its vibrant free-market economy -- and that it is edging one step closer to death.
Mr. Li is a New York-based free-lance writer on Sino-U.S. relations.
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Category: Falun Dafa in the Media
